Tag: weapons

Corruption and Arms Trade: The UK’s Enduring Dilemma


Will anything change in the government’s approach to weapons sales?

August 2026

We questioned the extent of help offered to arms companies in a previous post. The Farnborough show featured a range of such companies including Elbit Systems deeply implicated in the appalling death toll in Gaza. We noted the vast sums – around £3 trillion – of tax payers money underpinning the industry when they are not paid. We drew attention to the infamous ‘revolving door’ where senior military, civil service and government ministers sidle off into lucrative directorships or consultancies with arms firms when they retire using their contacts to secure yet more funding. A system so steeped in corruption it is amazing it is still allowed.

So we now have a new leader of the Labour party who was quick to say on July 9, that Labour “didn’t get it right” on Gaza. His video message also included a pledge to bar arms sales to Israel wherever weapons could be deployed in Gaza or the West Bank. Sounds good. So what happened?

The second time we saw our PM’s face on a video message discussing arms was a mere 11 days later. Beamed onto the big screen at Farnborough Air Show, he gleefully emboldened the arms industry, placing them as a core pillar of his ambition to ‘re-industrialise’ the nation by ‘working together with brilliant businesses, like those at Farnborough’ – Farnborough being an international arms fair hosting over 1,000 exhibitors, including the likes of BAE Systems, Lockheed Martin, Elbit Systems, Rafael, Israel Aerospace Industries and Boeing.

Shortly after, his Defence Secretary, Wes Streeting, took to the stage and announced a £708 million government contract with BAE. He remarked at ‘what an opportunity we have with this Prime Minister’ and ‘the enormous contribution that Defence [defense] can make to the Prime Minister’s vision for this country.”

It’s getting worse

Campaign Against the Arms Trade have analysed the current situation and if anything the situation is worse than previous administrations. A key element is Wes Streeting’s desire for speed in commissioning and delivering new systems. He is aware of the prolonged time scales, endless delays and cost overruns involved in arms procurement. He is against unnecessary red tape and bureaucracy. Part of that bureaucracy is assessing risk and potential damage to human rights for those at the end of the arms sales. Putting speed above these assessments carries obvious risks.

He is also keen on joint ventures which makes it difficult for the UK to extract itself from sales where weapons are used by regimes bent on oppression or killing people. The F35 is a classic example which is being used by Israel to bomb Gaza, Iran and Lebanon. We cannot ban components made in the UK (around 15%) because they go off to the States.

Streeting ended his speech with a glowing rhetorical flourish: ‘It is not yet clear whether the 21st century will be defined by tyranny or freedom. But we need not let others define the answer to that question…. We know which side we are on.’ As CAAT argues ‘others’ does rather leave the door open to alternative interpretations. Streeting and Burnham were both members of governments who have engaged the UK in Afghanistan, Iraq and Palestine involving the deaths of a million people. Iraq led to instability and the creation of ISIS; Afghanistan has left the country in the hands of the Taliban with its draconian controls of women and a flourishing heroin trade, and Palestine has seen the wasting of Gaza and the death of 20,000 children.

Have they learned nothing?

You would think that they might have learned a thing or two about violence. Yet here they are, lauding the firms who make the weapons and hell bent on making things worse. Over and over we have argued that making and selling weapons with their ability to create jobs is put above moral or human rights considerations. Claims of a ‘robust policy’ on sales is no longer credible. Does ‘re-industrialising’ the nation have to involve selling weapons to awful regimes? Is that really what Andy Burnham and his new team really want?

We are grateful to CAAT for use of some of their text. No AI has been used.

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UK role in destruction of Yemen


The Court of Appeal has granted permission for Campaign Against the Arms Trade to appeal the legality of arms sales to Saudi Arabia

The destruction of Yemen continues and our role in that destruction becomes ever more clear as time passes.  The case brought by CAAT failed and it is welcome news that the Appeal Court has allowed an appeal.  The decision was profoundly flawed and needs to be challenged.  It raised disturbing questions, not just about our role in the bombing of Yemen, but how our supposedly independent legal system operates in cases like this.

An analysis of the decision by Oxford Human Rights hub and others revealed profound flaws in the Appeal judges ruling and handling of the case.  These are:

  • statements by the government were taken at face value despite claims that the case would be looked at objectively
  • the judges regarded evidence from NGOs as necessarily being of lesser value than the government’s arguments.  They said they were ‘second hand’ despite the fact that the NGOs had representatives on the ground and had collected considerable first hand evidence of what was happening
  • the close relations the government has with the Saudi government (to which we could add many members of the Royal family) puts them in a good position, it was claimed, to take statements by the Saudis at face value namely that they were compliant with International Human Rights standards
  • the court took no account of the stake the government has in the trade namely that 46% of our arms exports are going to this country.  That this might bias their case was not something that the judges seemed to consider.  Indeed, they went further pointing to the ‘highly sophisticated, structured and multi-faceted process’ of government decision taking in comparison with that of the press and NGOs.  Altogether, the judges exhibited an unduly deferential approach to the government
  • But perhaps the most disgraceful aspect of their judgement was the issue of ‘inference’.  This argument centred on the idea that it was not necessary or practical for the government to infer that civilian causalities and breaches of IHL arose from the supply of weaponry to the Saudis.  Because this destruction was taking place in another country, it was not practical for the Secretary of State to have access to all the relevant information.  So on the one hand, the judges say that the government has a superior and sophisticated decision making process compared to that of the NGOs and media, but on the other hand, when civilians are killed, suddenly they are not in a position to know it was our weapons which were involved.

There are other criticisms of the judgment and the dubious logic on which it was based.  Overall, they seemed to adopt a unduly deferential approach to the government’s position.

In another development the Committee on Arms Export Controls criticized many aspects of the government’s dealings with arms supplies to the region.  One key aspect is the question of brokerage.  This is where a company, registered in the UK, uses a broker to circumvent the controls on the sale of arms.  The Committee concluded:

The Committees conclude that it is a significant loophole in UK arms export controls that a UK company can circumvent those controls by exporting military and dual–use goods using an overseas subsidiary. The Committees recommend that the Government states whether it will close this loophole, and, if so, by what means and in what timescale.

The Committees continue to conclude that it is most regrettable that the Government have still to take any action against “Brass Plate” arms exporting companies who have the benefit of UK company registration but carry out arms exporting and arms brokering activities overseas in contravention of UK Government policies. 35 The Committees’ Recommendation: The Committees again recommend that the Government sets out in its Response to this Report what steps it will take to discontinue the UK registration of such companies  [Extracts from the Select Committee Report]

The government does not accept the committee’s conclusions on this matter.

In yet another aspect, the government is alleged to use opaque licensing procedures to conceal hundreds of millions of pounds worth of British-made missiles and bombs sold to Saudi Arabia for use in Yemen under a licensing system that makes tracking arms sales more difficult.

Currently, the sale of arms is governed by the Arms Trade Treaty and the Consolidated EU and National Arms Export Licensing Criteria.  It is clear from the opinion of the sub committee, CAAT and other NGOs that the government is using every stratagem to sell arms to Saudi and to keep on doing so.  Royalty and ministers are pressed into service to keep the Saudi regime sweet.  The effects of our arms – and those of other arms suppliers such as the USA – on the people of Yemen has been devastating.  With 10,000 deaths and many more thousands injured and displaced, it is a calamity on a massive scale.  We must hope that the higher court will overturn the highly dubious and flawed decision.

In the future, post Brexit,  there will be a reduction in the degree of control over this trade in the opinion of Stockholm International Peace Research Institute.  In a commentary they say:

Either way, it is likely that Brexit will lead to a reduction in the EU’s ability to promote its standards in the field of export controls internationally. […]  If Brexit means the UK starts to water down its export controls in order to facilitate transfers to Saudi Arabia, or otherwise boost its arms exports, the implications may be more severe. Such a move could trigger a ‘race to the bottom’ among EU member states, many of which are seeking to boost their own arms exports in order to help domestic producers offset the impact of post-2008 national defence cuts.

Let us hope they are wrong.  It is likely however that post Brexit, there will be a keen desire to secure trade deals – to include arms sales – with any foreign nation including those with poor human rights records.

Sources:

Oxford Human Rights Hub; Ibid (part 2); Opinio Juris; CAAT; The Guardian; Amnesty International; European Journal of International Law

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