Report by Southampton University into tensions and risks in dealing with Israel and Palestine
August 2026
The latest edition of the Campaign Against the Arms Trade’s News (Issue 277, Summer 2026) contains an article discussing links with universities and arms companies in the context of relations with Israel and Palestine. The report Aligning Policy with Practice: Tensions and Risks in the Context of Israel and Palestine, February 2026 analyses these tensions in relation to Southampton but it is clear the issues apply to many universities in the UK. The full report can be accessed here. It is the product of work carried out by the Palestinian Solidarity Network in the University (pictured) and the lead author is Irene Ruiz Espejo.
Essentially, the report analyses the various principles which the University has concerning transparency, sustainability, ethics and EDI and matches that against what happens, the links they have with arms firms and their support for research, and also the links with Israeli universities. They suggest that sometimes matters of governance, partnerships and approaches to free speech can exert a chilling effect as has been seen at other academic institutions.
Risks
They identify several risks: legal, financial, reputational and wellbeing in the report. Official communications do not reference the historical and legal realities of military occupation in Gaza, settler colonialism on the West Bank, apartheid, or the longstanding siege of Gaza. They also do not engage with international legal developments and findings, including United Nations and international and Israeli civil society organisations, which have raised serious concerns that Israel’s conduct in Gaza may amount to grave breaches of international law, including acts that violate the Genocide Convention.
In addition, University statements do not situate events in Gaza within the wider regional context of Israeli military aggression, including the bombing of Lebanon, Syria, Yemen, Qatar, and Iran, which have resulted in additional civilian deaths and escalating regional and global instability. Instead, communications tend to frame events primarily as a bilateral conflict and to address Palestinian deaths, displacement, and civilian harm largely through the language of humanitarian crisis.
This framing obscures a central and well-documented reality: the “conflict” is characterised by profound asymmetries in power, control, and vulnerability, including Israel’s effective control over borders, airspace, and key conditions of civilian survival in Gaza, including access to humanitarian aid. In this context, large-scale civilian harm is not only the outcome war, but it is shaped by Israel’s political and military decisions that have driven mass displacement, civilian targeting, severe restrictions on essential supplies, the use of starvation as a method of war , bombardment, and the destruction of critical civilian infrastructure in Gaza, including all twelve universities.
Power of money
They maintain this bias is not accidental but managed, where money and and power repeatedly take precedence over stated values. Students and staff who raise concerns about arms partnerships, or who engage in Palestinian solidarity, face ‘scrutiny, marginalisation or silencing’ – a direct threat to freedom of speech.
Money has become an existential issue for universities and many are struggling. The drop in foreign students has been a severe blow. The suggestion, implicit in the report, that the desire to secure research funding from arms firms has led to threat to their core values. Links to Israeli universities are not inherently wrong but the nature of the research might be.
The CAAT piece ends “our report is an attempt to interrupt that silence resisting erasure – of lives, of knowledge and our ability to name what is happening requires more than critique. It requires cultivating the capacity to see clearly even when language obscures: to think critically even when institutions reward compliance and to remain connected to our sheared humanity, to people, to place and to the consequences of what is doe with our knowledge our research and our labour”.
Some content from the report.


Why the Yeshiva education system stinks.
Made aliya back in ’91. Called myself an atheist – praise HaShem, even while living in Oklahoma. My family about 7 generations of lawyers & judges. I personally despise the Yeshiva whose sh’itta of education made famous by Reshonim g’lut Jewry, employed to instruct Jewish children in Israel today. Just as the mitzva of Shabbat requires making הבדלה which differentiates between מלאכה from עבודה so too and how much more so study and teaching of Torah requires making הבדלה which separates Common law from Statute law. Alas, Yeshivah students which have crossed my path never taught that Shabbat means week, not the 7th Day of the week, as 7th day Adventists falsely teach!
The Torah opens with מעשה בראשית – Yeshiva educated Jews never ask WHY? Its simply not an issue of translating words from Hebrew\Aramaic to English. The Rambam, his Yad-code basically translated the complex Hebrew Aramaic Talmud unto Hebrew – based upon the language of the Mishna. The Steinsaltz talmud and Art Scroll translations follow the path set by that Reshon. The impact upon the Torah world of the Rambam “translations” of Halacha into a simplified Hebrew most probably saved the language of Hebrew from going the way of Catholic Latin – a dead language. But his statute law code turned post Bar Kachba Mishnaic courtroom common law ideal for the future time when Jews conquer the Homeland and restore the pursuit of justice as our Sinai faith unto a static set of halachic religious laws – a belief system – in this sense: no different from Xtian and Islamic theologies.
The times for the Reshonim, cursed g’lut Jewry – exceptionally harsh. The Romans scattered Jewry following the Bar Kochba revolt to the 4 winds of the empire. Goyim barbarians in all cursed g’lut lands both Xtiandom and Islamic – like Spain, made forced conversions, forced population transfers akin to the ’48 Jews thrown out of all Arab countries! The Reshonim scholars confronted harsh realities on the ground; Jewish settlements tiny & scattered and people during the period, where the Roman road system had collapsed, the Dark Ages, rarely traveled. Spanish Jews – Rambam and Ibn Ezra, the latter fled for his life – from Spain, his son converted to Islam. While the former too fled from the anarchy and chaos of the collapsing Islamic civilization unto Egypt; his brother drowned at sea!
Why did the Torah open with בראשית? That Sefer has few Torah commandments: fruitful and multiply, brit melah, gid hanasheh, the טיפש פשט big 3! But most commentators fail to grasp, (akin to the apostle Paul) that the Torah instructs prophetic mussar through repeated themes. As most reform or conservative rabbis utterly numb. The Hebrew Siddur – an unrecognized Primary Source for Talmudic and Midrashic scholarship! This sefer builds upon סמוכים, which requires a discerning eye. The Siddur stands upon Sefer בראשית; it opens with תמיד מעשה בראשית – twice repeated in the first blessing for the שחרית קריא שמע. That critical phrase answers the opening question of this paragraph. The creation aggadah introduces the theme of Torah “wisdom” known as זמן גרמא מצוות. Shabbat as week distinguishes between לא תעשה מלאכה from תעשה מלאכה through k’vanna.
The bi-polar Rambam ספר המצוות in its טיפש פשט literalism, divides Torah commandments to positive and negative camps. The B’hag by stark contrast, his introduction discerns between Av from toldot commandments; like both mesechta Shabbat and Baba Kama ask the question התולדות הולכים אחרי אבות? Just as quality scholarship separates between Primary from Secondary sources – a Ph”D from a bachelor degree. The Sages distinguished between Torah from NaCH from Writings … Mishna from Gemara, so too and how much more so down stream generations of Yiddishkeit likewise required to respect this masoret of scholarship. The B’HaG recognized T’NaCH\Talmudic common law. The Rambam’s statute law effectively blew out the lights of Hanukka; wherein the P’rushim defeated the assimilated ערב רב Tzeddukim. Perhaps based upon the בנין אב of blowing the shofar; this mitzva of blowing the Shofar – a חכמה – the Rif made the chiddush that a person could blow the Shofar on shabbat before his Court!
The term מלאכה refers to Av Torah commandments – time-oriented commandments – which require k’vanna. Toldot commandments and halachot learned separately – as does the statute law code of the Rambam and the Shulkan Aruch – do not require k’vanna. For example: What constitutes as תפילה דאורייתא vs. תפילה דרבנן also ודוי דאורייתא vs ודוי דרבנן? The Rambam harshly criticized in his Introduction שרש ראשון the B’HaG who ruled תפילה דאורייתא! Yet in Rambam’s 5th positive commandment, he too ruled tefillah a mitzva from the Torah! B’HaG learned Hanukkah, a mitzva from the Torah which the Rambam likewise considered absurd. How did the last of the Gaonim scholars “confuse” rabbinic commandments? The Talmud refers to Hannuka מחובר and the Baali Tosafot refers to קריאת שמע likewise as מחובר. The Av Torah זמן גרמא מצוות – מחובר.
The Baali Tosafot refers to the mitzva of ק”ש as מחובר; meaning time-oriented commandments. The B’HaG refers to the lighting the lights of Hanukkah as a מצוה דאורייתא; meaning זמן גרמא מצוות. The statute codes by contrast err and interpret through a טיפש פשט “time” understood in the literal sense. חכמה defined as זמן גרמא מצוות – חמובר. Whereas תולדות מצוות לא צריך כוונה… זמן גרמא מצוות מחובר לחכמה מן התורה. Just as Shabbat means “week” and not a day in a week, so too and how much more so בראשית introduces the theme of זמן גרמא מצוות as Av tohor commandments and not the World created in 6 days טיפש פשט.
The זמן גרמא only a משל which requires making the logical דיוק נמשל. Not literally “time as in watch”, but Torah wisdom as the נמשל of the משל of זמן גרמא מצוות. Hence to both the B’HaG and the Baali Tosafot: where the Baali Tosafot refers to the mitzva of ק”ש as מחובר; meaning time-oriented commandments. The B’HaG refers to the lighting the lights of Hanukkah as a מצוה דאורייתא; meaning זמן גרמא מצוות. The statute codes by contrast err and interpret through a טיפש פשט “time”, understood in the sophomoric – literal sense. חכמה defined as זמן גרמא מצוות – חמובר. Whereas תולדות מצוות לא צריך כוונה… זמן גרמא מצוות מחובר לחכמה מן התורה. The Av בנין אב for all זמן גרמא מצוות … תמיד מעשה בראשית. Sefer בראשית opens with the Central Torah theme of Av tohor time-oriented commandments. Whereas the Books of שמות ויקרא ובמדבר instruct בניני אבות תולדות מצוות. As these secondary commandments – when attached by means of inductive פרדס inductive reason logic to other similar Case/Din rulings (both in the literature of the T’NaCH prophetic mussar and Talmud ritual halacha) this חכמה compares to the two sights of a rifle which permits the prophets to “shoot” their mussar to all generations of the Chosen Cohen People. Herein defines the warp/weft halachic-aggadic relationship which permits the generations of Israel to make aliya from g’lut toldot commandments to Av tohor זמן גרמא מצוות בארץ ישראל.
The זמן גרמא only a משל which requires making the logical דיוק נמשל. Not literally “time as in watch”, but Torah wisdom as the נמשל of the משל of all זמן גרמא מצוות. Hence the B’HaG and Baali Tosafot, specifically the Rabbeinu Tam most likely, מחובר…חכמה “joined/attached” to that חכמה מן התורה which requires k’vanna. Translating the term עדיף\מחובר misses the point all together. This term refers to the distinction between Av Torah commandments – which require k’vanna from toldot commandments which do not require k’vanna. Hence תפילה דאורייתא that’s ק”ש. The Siddur through סמוכים affixes ק”ש to Shemone Esrei דרבנן.
Brought this example as a proof that T’NaCH and Talmud BOTH command common law legalism which learn through judicial precedents. Translating simply misses the boat and qualifies as a לא לשמה Torah curse, based upon the בנין אב of the 1st Sinai commandment. G’lut Jews cannot keep the Yovel – impossible; no different from the slaves beaten by order of Par’o vertical courtrooms (Star Courts which justified impressment of American sailors seized by British warships on the High Seas). G’lut Yidden got religion through the statute halachic codifications.
Only in Israel can Jews sanctify צדק צדק תרדוף; prior to the Oct 7th 2023 Abomination War, Israelis confronted a judicial crisis! Can Israel achieve self-determination and affix the 12 Tribes to the re-conquered lands of Canaan and therein re-establish our Constitutional Republic wherein the Torah mandates only Federal Sanhedrin courts which possess the mandate to rules the Tribal “legislatures” and Knesset Central Government statute laws through משנה תורה-Legislative Review?
LikeLike
Great Apes share a 98.7% genome genetic match with human-beings. By what measurement readily discerns the switch from grasshopper to the cursed and utterly vile locust? Europeans minds have no loyalty to their allies when loyalty – goes out of fashion.
Houston Stewart Chamberlain: A British-born Germanophile and racial ideologist (1855–1927) whose work The Foundations of the Nineteenth Century advocated for the superiority of the Aryan race and claimed Jewish influence was negative. His theories influenced Adolf Hitler and National Socialist thought, and he viewed the conflict between Aryans and Jews as the basis of European history.
Neville Chamberlain: The British Prime Minister (1937–1940) pursued a policy of appeasement toward Nazi Germany, which included signing the Munich Agreement (1938) that sacrificed Czechoslovakia. He also expressed antisemitic attitudes in private letters and his government introduced the White Paper (1939) which denied Jews unrestricted entry to Mandatory Palestine which
Britain needed acetone as a solvent to manufacture cordite, a smokeless gunpowder used in its munitions. Political Zionist, Chaim Weizmann developed a bacterial fermentation method that produced acetone from starch; his contribution helped solve a serious acetone shortage during WWI. How did the British government award Weizmann’s contribution to the war effort to defeat the “ethnic cleansing” “Germanic Huns”? The British government’s most famous political concession to Herzl’s Political Zionism vision; David Lloyd George’s government on November 2, 1917, became the great power “partner” which Herzl’s “The Jewish State” required in order for Jews to achieve permanent equal rights to achieve self-determination within the borders of their own homeland.
Later revisionist history sources such as the corrupt Wikipedia whose story line can change at the whip of a pen, claim that the Balfour Declaration reflected some undefined and never proven temporary “strategic and political calculations”. Hence the Balfour Declaration stands as the opposite – so to speak – bookend as the Chamberlain White Paper. The White Paper declared where permanently decreed minority Jewish populations could and could not live within the promised lands of an Arab Palestinian state within 10 years after the war. The UN SC later passed 2334 whose language likewise declares “as the New UN International Law”, the bogus declaration where Israelis can live and operate businesses like as the current Socialist Government boycotts Israeli private industry and housing within the Capital of Jerusalem and Judea/Samaria as if dirty Jews Europeans possess the God Given power of kings to establish Ghetto-gulags like as did the Popes of Rome!
Based upon the fact, that all Arab Israeli wars fought over Arab rejection of Jewish self determination as defined through the Balfour Declaration, the White Paper coupled with the British wartime policy and post war policy of restricting Jewish escape to the mandate territories, later revisionist history which declares a Arab/Jewish sharing of authority amounts to a straight up propaganda lie on par with the current “ethnic cleansing” and “genocide” slander in post Oct7th Gaza. Britain carpet bombed German cities and civilian populations, the example of Dresden which had no strategic value prove this condemnation of hypocrisy.
Hamas initiated the Oct7th invasion. It rejects the Oslo Accords wherein PM Sharon made a unilateral withdraw from Gaza. It openly initiated conflicts with Israel once it won the general election and cast the PA out of Gaza. The propaganda lie that “debates” in Oxford the so-called “proposition” – Israel never sought peace with Arabs another bald faced lie. The Wikipedia revisionist history which declares Hamas rejected “the Quartets’ conditions of nonviolence, recognition of Israel, and acceptance of prior agreements” utter narishkeit. The Olso Accords negotiated outside the UN. Post the Nakba Allah defeat in another Arab war to exterminate the Jews, proven by the massacre of Oct7th 2023, the UN has no seat in the Board of Peace as also excluded Britain and France and Russia.
Claims made by SA of ‘genocide’ rich! SA sits at the tip of Africa! Its black Apartheid reputation a ‘Turd Reich’ of political opportunism on par with Arafat’s Palestinians really the descendants of Greek Boat People later called Philistines. Yishmael in general and Arabs in particular do not originate from Europe any more than Palestine an Arab name or the ICC has jurisdiction of the Palestinian State in Gaza! The UN has a long revisionist history of anti-Israel block-headed voting. UN GA 3379 an infamous disgrace which the current British Green Party has embraced as their flag in their homosexual relationship with the current Socialist government sitting in London.
‘Ethnic Cleansing’ and ‘genocide’, an emotion arousing slander on par with the blood libel slanders which resulted in Jewish communities destroyed! Attempts to pigion hole history of nations into some BC/AC bible narishkeit an utter abomination. International Law does not begin and end with the establishment of the UN. Traditional diplomatic historians argue that the Balfour Declaration represents a formal recognition of the historic, indigenous rights of the Jewish people to national self-determination in their ancestral homeland, fulfilling a profound moral and political commitment.
The Oct7th War initiated by the Hamas/UNWRA alliance which invaded Israel, a war in self-defense. Attempts by hostile states such as within the gossip society represented by the UN nothing short of a denial of Israel’s rights to self-defense. The British invasion of Saddam’s Iraq in conjunction with the Neo-Con Chaney\Bush lies concerning WMD when Iraq connection with 9/11 prove that nations who go to war – they and they alone determine their self-defense strategies – especially after Bush campaigned on a commitment of “No Nation Building”. The October 7, 2023 assault—rests on core principles of national sovereignty and international law.
The historical pattern wherein European ape-like governments minimize Zionist leadership(s) repeated acceptance to compromise proposals for partition and peace—starting with the 1937 Peel Commission, the 1947 UN Partition Plan, post-1967 land-for-peace frameworks, and the 2000 Camp David/2008 Olmert offers—while Arab leadership systematically rejected them, preferring absolute denial of Jewish sovereignty over compromise – the Jewish people remember and fundamentally refuse to forget.
Revisionist history compares to Holocaust Denial wherein European project their guilt by calling Israel an Nazi State. Palestine ceased to exist in 1948. European attempts to restore the Roman decree of Syria-Palestine post the Bar Kochba defeat amount to European imperialism and attempts to dominate the balance of power which the Nakba Allah Oct 7th War Hamas defeat has radically changes with both the UN and Britain and France excluded from the Trump Gaza peace. Breaking News … Britain and France ceased being ‘great powers’ after they ran away from the Suez attempt in ’56.
Europe has no shame nor loyalty when viewed under the lenses of complex geopolitical conflicts wherein European leaders make appeals to domestic mobs, such as the Green Party in England who wave the flag of ‘Zionism is Racism’. The European grasshopper/locust “genetic” mental insanity – whenever they throw an ally under the bus they flatten multi-dimensional realities into two dimensional box declarations of condemnations which arouses the mobs into hysteria – like as seen in Universities across Europe and the US – which has disgraced their good name reputations as places of objective ‘Higher Learning’.
Actual human history simply not a record of times, places, and events. For example: Who killed President Kennedy? Was 9/11 a False Flag attack to invade Iraq and dominate the balance of power in the Middle East which prioritized the domination “New World Order” of the Western democracies over the break up of the USSR?
The ruse wherein Arabs rejected the 1947 UN Partition Plan which granted 55% of the land to the Jewish State ignore the fact that the Palestine mandate originally awarded to Britain included Trans-Jordan which reflects multiple Byzantine designations of post Bar Kochba Roman Syria-Palestine, akin to the British two state solution which exploded in multiple Indian “civil wars” with Pakistan! Together with the post WWII division of Korea and Vietnam and the “genocide” of Algerians by France.
Great power politics has never attempted to establish a Independent Kurdistan post WWI despite the collapse of the Ottoman empire and the removal of the Turkish Capital from Istanbul! Had Russia not collapsed, replace by Bolshevik revolutionaries, cold, calculated realpolitik would have awarded a restored Constantinople to the Czar of Russia.
The disgraced UN Chairman’s attempt to declare the existence of “Two national movements claiming the same land”, this revisionist history ignores the 1964 PLO Charter which only referred to ’48 Israel as “Occupied Territory”. And the cold hard fact that never in all recorded human history has their ever existed an Arab Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its Capital and having an Independent national currency – as do all nation states.
This underscores the retroactive UN fabrication of “West Bank” nonsense which hides Judea/Samaria. Throughout the Ottoman period and the British Mandate, the region was officially and commonly referred to in administrative, legal, and biblical contexts as Judea and Samaria. Stripping the territory of its thousands of years of recorded Jewish history and connection, international bodies and opponents of Israel could more easily frame the area as “foreign” or “occupied” land belonging exclusively to another sovereign entity, rather than the heartland of ancestral Jewish heritage.
Furthermore the revisionist history “prohibition of acquiring territory by war”, ignores the forced mass population transfers of Germans from Prussia and the division of Prussia between Poland and Russia. The choice of words in international diplomacy – never neutral; it actively shapes legal claims, historical memory, and the political reality on the ground. Post War Germany lost 25% of its land. History simply not a moral scoreboard or tribal contest; but rather a record of choices, alliances, and consequences that evolve with evidence, not ideology nor theology.
LikeLike
Nakba Allah dead god stinks – LOSER.
LikeLike
Dear Mr Kerr,
I am leaving your comments up for now but we do ask that they are appropriately worded in future.
LikeLiked by 1 person
I Documented ISIS’s Crimes. Then I Visited Auschwitz.A historian from Mosul, Iraq, visits Treblinka, Auschwitz, and Bełżec—and returns with a demand for the Arab world.
By Omar Mohammed
“Go back to Poland” will be a familiar phrase to some. Since the October 7, 2023, attacks, it has been screamed at Jews across the West, intended to warn them that they do not belong—that their true homeland is the place where their ancestors were exterminated 80 years ago. Last week, Michigan Senate candidate Abdul El-Sayed held a roundtable with an activist who has echoed that very phrase, calling for Israeli Jews to be sent “back to Poland.”
_____________________________________________________________________
An Introduction: “Go back to Poland” will be a familiar phrase to some. Since the October 7, 2023, attacks, it has been screamed at Jews across the West, intended to warn them that they do not belong—that their true homeland is the place where their ancestors were exterminated 80 years ago. Last week, Michigan Senate candidate Abdul El-Sayed held a roundtable with an activist who has echoed that very phrase, calling for Israeli Jews to be sent “back to Poland.”
Omar Mohammed first heard of this phrase when it was chanted at Columbia University’s campus after October 7. And it struck him deeply. An Iraqi historian, Omar was living in Mosul when ISIS seized control of the city. In the aftermath, he did not flee. Instead, he sat in a room one thin wall away from a senior ISIS leader, and he wrote—using his anonymous blog, Mosul Eye, to bring the terrorist group’s atrocities to millions. (To hear him tell his full story, watch our interview with him here.)
But Omar’s work as a historian did not end when he escaped Iraq in 2017. A few weeks ago, he reached out to tell us that after years of hearing calls for Jews to go back to Poland, he had decided to visit the concentration camps himself. He wanted to write, he said, about being “a historian from Mosul who documented one genocide, standing for the first time at the site of another.” The piece that resulted is something remarkable. We’re proud to bring it to you today. —Jillian Lederman
This is from Omar Mohammed’s essay, “I Documented ISIS’s Crimes. Then I Visited Auschwitz.” He describes arriving in Warsaw and taking the 175 bus before visiting Auschwitz, Treblinka, and Bełżec. The Free Press
_________________________________________________________________________
On August 24, I landed in Warsaw at night. I have long held that a city reveals its identity after dark, so I took the 175 bus from the airport into the center to get a better sense of it.
Something in that ride unsettled me. I have sat in my hometown of Mosul, Iraq, a city under ISIS occupation, and known exactly what I feared. On that bus, there was nothing I could point to, and yet my body reacted as if there were. I said afterward that I had smelled the ash of the dead—literally, still in the ground 80 years on.
I had never been to Poland. I first learned of the Holocaust in Mosul, in 2004 or 2005, when satellite dishes became easy to get after the fall of Saddam Hussein. I watched documentaries on the Second World War, one after another, recording each of them—because in those years we still lived with the expectation that anything could disappear at any moment.Around the same time, I found out that the school I had attended stood on the ruins of the Jewish school of Mosul, which Saddam had demolished in 2000. From then on, I carried the hope that I would one day stand in the camps and see them for myself. What made me go, finally, was hearing about an incident in the wake of the October 7 attacks on Israel, when a particular chant was screamed at Jews on Columbia University’s campus: “Go back to Poland.”Walter Reich, my friend and mentor, was appalled when he heard about the incident. Walter is the Yitzhak Rabin Memorial Professor of International Affairs, Ethics, and Human Behavior and a professor of psychiatry at The George Washington University, where I also work, and was the director of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum from 1995 to 1998. Most of what I know about how societies erase their Jews I’ve learned from him. He told me that after he heard the call for Jews to go back to Poland, he decided to do just that: take his children and grandchildren to the death camp at Bełżec, where much of his family was murdered. He wanted to recite the kaddish there, the Jewish prayer for mourning.What remains of Walter’s family amounts to a field. His uncles, aunts, and cousins were gassed, their bodies dumped into pits, later exhumed and burned, the ash dumped back in. He has been going to that field to say kaddish since the 1980s.In August, I wrote to tell him that I was going to Auschwitz later that month, and within two hours he wrote back, “Have courage, Omar.” I asked him to teach me the kaddish so that I could say it there too.
As a historian, I have spent my life on one question: What does a city do with its dead? For three years, from June 2014 to 2017, I kept a record of ISIS’s rule of Mosul from inside it, at night, anonymously, in a place where discovery meant death. I published it all on my public blog, Mosul Eye—and when the city was freed, I turned the same approach on an earlier erasure, more than 60 years before: In 1950, Mosul’s Jews were stripped of their nationality. By 1951, they were gone.
The rule I made for myself under ISIS I carried to Poland: Trust no one, document everything. Every conversation in this essay comes from a tape recorder that, on the bus from the airport, I turned on and did not switch off.
My first stop was Treblinka, some 60 miles northeast of Warsaw. My driver was a man from Tajikistan. I will call him Daler.
When I told him where we were going, he asked what it was.
He was a Muslim and had lived five years in Poland and two in Germany without anyone telling him what had happened here. I sat in the back with the recorder on the seat and understood that my plan had a flaw. I had come to Poland intending to make a demand once I returned home: I wanted the Arab world to learn the history of this place and teach it in their schools. But the first person I met—a Muslim from Tajikistan who had lived in Germany and Poland for seven years—knew nothing about the extermination camp he was driving me to see on a Tuesday morning, or what it represented.
So, I taught him. It took two hours, most of it through his phone, English into Tajik on the screen, read at the red lights, answered in Tajik, turned back into English. Six million Jews murdered for being Jews and for nothing else. He told me Tajikistan has about 10 million people. I asked him to imagine six million of them killed, and watched him in the mirror. After a while, he said it was impossible to comprehend. “From this day on,” he said in Tajik. “I will tell people about this. I did not know much about it before. Now I understand.”
Imagine spending seven years in Poland and Germany and not learning anything about the Holocaust.
The structures the Germans built at Treblinka are not there anymore. They took the killing center apart in the autumn of 1943 after the prisoners revolted, plowed the ground, and installed a guard unit in a farmhouse. What remains is a pine forest and a field of 17,000 jagged stones set upright in concrete, some carved with the names of towns and countries. Some 925,000 Jews were murdered in this clearing in about 15 months.
It is quiet in a way I have never heard, but it is not the quiet of a cemetery. In a cemetery, at least the dead have graves.
Around Treblinka, pines grow so close together that no light reaches the ground between them. They have been growing on this ground for 80 or more years, and they are the only living things that saw all of it and are still here. Standing among them, I found it hard to breathe.
I had asked Daler to wait in the car park and take me back to Warsaw when I was done, but he said he wanted to come with me. We walked in together. On our right was a line of concrete railroad sleepers. That was where the train cars stopped, the doors opened, and people who had been two days without water stepped down and were told they had come to a transit camp. At the platform I stood still. It was there that what I had feared most about coming to Poland caught up with me. Standing there, I could not stop asking what was in their minds, what they saw, whether at the door of the gas chamber some of them still hoped to live.
We went on to the memorial sculpture, a granite tower at the center of the field, cracked at the top, which stands where the gas chambers stood. In front of the sculpture lies the stone that says “Never again” in seven languages. There, at the memorial sculpture, I recited the Mourner’s Kaddish.
I had the words from Walter and the melody from a rabbi who is my friend, who had taught me to sing it the way the Jews of my country had sung it, in the Iraqi Maqam Saba. I know it is a prayer meant to be said among a congregation of 10 Jews, and I was only one person, and not a Jew. But I also know it was a genuine kaddish.
Daler stood a step behind me, filming the prayer with his phone. When I finished, he said it sounded like the Quran. I said it is older; it is Semitic, the Aramaic the Jews spoke in Jerusalem and Babylon before the Jews of Iraq spoke Arabic, and the language the Christians of Nineveh still speak. He called his brother, right there among the memorial stones, and asked whether his brother had known about this. He had not. So he told his brother, right there, what I had told him in the car. When he hung up, he typed into his translation app, and the phone said to me: “I make a promise. Not to you. To myself, so that I do not break it. I will tell every person I meet.”
Watching him type, I thought this might be how the prayer finds its minyan of 10 mourners: by one person telling another.
MOHAMMED READS THE MOURNER’S KADDISH AT TREBLINKA ON AUGUST 25, 2026. (PHOTO COURTESY OF OMAR MOHAMMED)
This article is part of Israel and the Jewish World. Sign up to get everything we publish on Israel, antisemitism, and Jewish life and identity across the globe.
____________________________________________________________________________
We were back in Warsaw by the middle of the afternoon, and I went to a bar I had been warned against entering. “Only for Polish people,” a bartender at another place had told me. I wanted to understand what that meant, so I went anyway and began speaking with the bartender there. I asked him what “only for Polish people” meant. He did not answer immediately, so instead I asked him what he knew about what had happened to the Jews of his city. He said they had learned it at school—that they had to learn it, because the Poles were killed too. He said they’d learned that the Poles had saved the Jews, and the Jews were not nice in return—and that the Jews then came back as communists and began attacking the Poles. I argued with him. He listened, nodded, and did not argue back.I did not yet know that I would hear variations of the young bartender’s sentence every day I was in Poland.On my three-hour train from Warsaw to Kraków, I put on the piece John Williams wrote for Schindler’s List called “Jewish Town,” referring to the ghetto of Kraków. Itzhak Perlman plays the violin. It was not the first time I heard this tune. It was a song that, back in Mosul in 2015, had saved my life.
I ran Mosul Eye at night from a room I called the operations room, and I worked to music, because it covered the sound of the keys and kept me from losing my mind. One night, I was listening to the Schindler’s List score, which ended with that piece. I stood up to change the disc, and through the window, I saw the Islamic State forces searching the houses on our street, coming toward ours. I took my laptop off the desk, hid it and everything that went with it, and put a second, clean laptop where it had been. Had the disc run one track longer, I would have been sitting at the desk with the blog open when they came to search.
It was only onboard the train in Warsaw that I understood how much I owed to this recording, and the murdered people to whom it was dedicated.
When I reached Kraków, a driver was waiting for me, sent by the Auschwitz Research Center on Hate, Extremism, and Radicalization, known as ARCHER. ARCHER’s headquarters are in a house at 88 Legionów Street, directly outside of the concentration camp. It was originally built by a Polish officer in 1937, after which the Germans gave it to Rudolf Höss, the commandant of the whole Auschwitz complex: Auschwitz I, the work camp, and Auschwitz II, or Birkenau, where huge gas chambers killed Jews by the thousands every day.
Höss lived in this house with his wife and their five children while he ran both camps. And for 80 years after the war concluded, ordinary families lived in it. On the 80th anniversary of the liberation of Auschwitz, ARCHER bought the house and opened it as a research institution—that was where I’d been invited to visit.
In Mosul, one thin wall separated my house from the house of a senior fighter of the Islamic State. On my side of the wall, life stayed ordinary, but I never saw the ordinary life on the other side of the wall. Now, at Auschwitz, I would.
I was upstairs with the director of ARCHER for four and a half hours. “What does one do with a house like this?” I asked him. He said it is both a burden and a responsibility; Höss does not deserve a shrine, but he does deserve to be remembered. Then he handed me a photograph: the Höss children in the garden in summer clothes, squinting, and behind them the wall, and behind the wall the camp. I asked how many Höss killed on a given day. At full capacity, the director said, 10,000 people.
At around 11 a.m. they brought lunch up on a tray. I washed my hands for a long time. Though I was hungry, I could not eat in that house. I had come as a guest, and where I come from, a guest who eats has accepted the house. I could not accept it. The director said his own staff could not eat there at first either, and then one day they could. He ate. I watched them eat, and I did not hold it against them, because someone must be able to work in this building or else the record closes and the house goes back to being only a house.
People reach for one word when they talk about men like Höss, or about the men of the Islamic State: monster. I have argued for years against that word. A monster has no choice. These men did. If Höss was a monster, the house is a curiosity and the lunch is only lunch. If he was a man, then the house is a record of how little has to change in a man for killing to become a profession, and a profession to become a household.
There is a mezuzah on the doorpost now, and every guest is photographed touching it. I touched it. Then I left, because the museum tour starts by the car park at half past two and does not wait.
The Auschwitz Birkenau Memorial and Museum lists its guide-educators in some 20 languages: Croatian, Ukrainian, Hebrew, Japanese, Korean. Arabic is not among them. The absence has a history. Across the Arab world, the Holocaust enters the school curriculum, when it enters at all, as a European crime that Europeans used to justify the taking of Palestine. The book that reached Arabic readers in my youth was not Primo Levi but Roger Garaudy, a French convert to Islam whose 1996 tract calling the gas chambers a myth sold in Cairo and Beirut by the tens of thousands. In 2014, Mohammed Dajani, a professor at Al-Quds University, took 27 Palestinian students to Auschwitz; he was called a collaborator, his car was set on fire, and by the summer he had resigned.
There are exceptions. Mohamed Helmy, an Egyptian doctor in Berlin, hid a Jewish girl for the length of the war, and in 2013 he became the first Arab named Righteous Among the Nations. Tunisian families sheltered Jews during the German occupation of 1942 and 1943. The Emirates, after the Abraham Accords, put the Holocaust into their school curriculum. But the tour schedule at Auschwitz, with its 20 languages, still has no Arabic, because no one who comes needs it.
We walked to the ramp at Birkenau, where the selections were made: who would work on starvation rations, and who would be sent directly to the gas chambers. There, a boy of 14 or 15 in the group ahead of ours was arguing with his mother, loudly, in English, that it was all a lie and why had she brought him here. When the group moved on, I stayed on the ramp and said kaddish.
My driver back to Kraków was a Pole from Oświęcim, Vladislav, who lives 200 yards from the camp and has driven Israeli television crews to it for 36 years. His grandmother had been a prisoner in Birkenau. I asked whether a Jew is safe in Poland today. He said yes, still—and then, unasked, that no one knows for how long. I asked whether the families of the people murdered here should come back to live. No, he said. To visit is safe. To live, no.
The people who say “go back to Poland” seemingly imply that Poland is a country a Jew could go to. I’m not so sure that’s true.
_________________________________________________________________________
“THE GUIDE SAID THAT THESE KINDS OF WORDS APPEAR IN THE BOOK PERHAPS ONCE A YEAR, AND THAT THE STAFF TEARS OUT SUCH PAGES,” WRITES OMAR MOHAMMED. “I ASKED HER NOT TO. KEEP IT AS EVIDENCE.” (PHOTO COURTESY OF OMAR MOHAMMED)
The next day I went to Bełżec, near the Ukrainian border, with two friends. Our guide had worked at the memorial for 10 years. Before we went into the camp, she took me to the visitors’ book in the entrance hall and turned to this year. In pencil, in small uneven capitals, someone had written two words in Polish: Hwała Hitler. Glory to Hitler.The first word was written with an H, not the Polish Ch, and the guide said that was how a Ukrainian would spell it and that the writer might have been one. I noticed how quickly the possibility was offered. Every Pole I spoke to that week, a bartender, two drivers, a guide, two friends, and their colleagues, told me, unasked and more than once, that the Poles had done nothing to the Jews.The guide said that these kinds of words appear in the book perhaps once a year, and that the staff tears out such pages. I asked her not to. Keep it as evidence, I said; it is part of the record of this place now, the way the pits are. Before we left the book, I saw on another page two words in English: Free Palestine.What stayed with me was not words; it was the effort. In 2026, someone found the time, and the will, to travel to Bełżec, to stand at the book where visitors sign their names, and to write these things. Until that afternoon I had heard “go back to Poland” as a statement about geography, an ugly way of telling Jews in New York that they belonged somewhere else. The visitors’ book corrected me. The person who wrote in it had traveled to a field that is itself a grave to wish that the work be resumed.
Then we walked. It is all outside. The first transport came on March 17, 1942, from Lublin. In 10 months, roughly 434,500 people were murdered, burned to death in gas chambers. Their bodies went into pits, 33 of them, and by December the ground had begun to move; the gases of hundreds of thousands of decomposing bodies forced their way up, and the earth heaved and split. So the Germans dug the bodies out, laid them on grates made from railway track, poured petrol, and burned them, day and night, from December to the end of March. The ash was shoveled back into the pits. Then they plowed it and planted a farm, so that when the Polish commission came in 1945, there was a field. Two prisoners lived to testify. The record of Bełżec rests on two men and the Germans’ own telegrams.
The memorial, opened in 2004, is a field of black foundry slag made to look like freshly turned earth in which nothing grows; it crunches under your shoes and it is warm. This is a new version of the memorial that opened in 1963—at that one, Walter told me later, you could pick up the soil and find pieces of ash and bone in your hand.
At the new one, a path cuts between the graves and sinks as it goes, until the walls are above your head and the sky is a strip. My breathing shortened as the walls rose. I did not know, when I walked down it, that Walter had written against it in The New York Times in 2004. The trench, he said, was an invasion of the graves; ash and bone had been disturbed in the digging, and one visits a grave site, one does not walk into it. When he goes to Bełżec, he continued, he doesn’t go in; he remains outside and says kaddish. I read that piece after I came home. The next time I go, I will stand where he stands.
The path ends in a niche of gray granite, cut with first names only, because for most of the dead of Bełżec the first name is all that survives. I recited the kaddish there, for the third time in three days: for the dead of Bełżec. For the dead of Rzeszów and of Kolbuszowa. For Walter’s uncles and aunts and cousins, and for the grandmother he believes is there.
Then we walked back along the side walls, where the towns are cut into the granite. Lublin, Lwów, Rzeszów—Walter’s father’s town—and then Kolbuszowa, his mother’s.
We returned to the office, where, on the desk, was the page from the visitor’s book; someone had torn it in two while we were in the field so that the first word was on one strip and the second on the other. I asked whether I could have it; a record torn in half is still a record. They gave me the two pieces.
I asked the guide whether Arabs or Muslims ever come to Bełżec. From Germany, she said, Turkish children with German passports sometimes come. From Arab countries, almost never—and when they do, she thinks they are Jews. I told her I hoped one day for a Holocaust museum in Iraq, but that I didn’t think it would happen for a hundred years. I also told her that in autumn 1942, the same months that the trains of Jews were unloading here, a northern division of the Polish Army was posted at Mosul, which was then under British command. Among its soldiers were Polish Jews. Maurice Nabi, a Jew of Mosul whose testimony I recorded years ago, told me that the Polish Jewish soldiers came and prayed with the community, and that when crowds from the city came for the Jews of Mosul, the soldiers stood between them. At the same time as Poland’s Jews were being burned in this field, Poland’s Jews were standing guard over the Jews of my city.
I went to Poland to see what “go back to Poland” means in the places it points to. The people who shout it have never had to find out the answer to that question. At Bełżec, it means ash.
So, to the protesters who said it, and the ones who will say it again: You are invited. Not to Auschwitz, where the world goes, but to Bełżec. I will meet you there.
In 2024, the Anti-Defamation League counted 1,694 antisemitic incidents on American campuses, 84 percent more than the year before. At my own university, a sign at a protest read “The Final Solution.” I am not asking any university to police a sentence; but the students should know what that sentence means.
What I heard in Poland was one sentence, worn many ways. The bartender in Warsaw, who said the ungrateful Jews still accuse Poles of killing them when the Poles were the ones who saved them. Grzegorz Braun, a member of the European Parliament, who said last year that the gas chambers at Auschwitz were fake, and finished fourth in Poland’s presidential elections. Glory to Hitler and Free Palestine a few pages apart in the visitors’ book just outside a death camp.
In each of these instances, the Jew is moved from victim to accused. The Jew who suffered yesterday is given a new identity for today: communist in 1968, Zionist after that, oppressor now. Once the new identity is in place, you no longer need to deny the camps to feel hostility. You can concede that they existed and continue anyway, because your hostility is directed at the person the Jew is said to have become, not at the person he was.
I have spent my life on one question: What does a city do with its dead?
The Jewish exile from Mosul began with a pattern Europe already knew: lists, a letter painted on the doors, a tax, confiscation, trucks. The destination was different, but the grammar of exclusion was the same. A city that has never been taught what the sequence looks like does not recognize it when it begins. I recognized it because I had read the European record. My neighbors could not, because no one had let them.
When it comes to the Holocaust, my ask for Arab states is very simple: Fund the work; put the history in the curriculum; pay for the museum and the archive in Arabic; translate the testimony. Then leave the writing to historians and use the power of the state for one purpose only, which is to make sure that the teacher, the curator, and the archivist who take on this subject are not left unprotected when faced with accusations of treason.
I know it can be done because it has already begun. Morocco has spent years building partnerships around Holocaust education, and this March educators from several Arab countries met there to discuss how the history might be taught across the region. The Emirates announced Holocaust education in its schools in 2023.
The inevitable objection is that a state that teaches the Holocaust does so as a favor to Israel. But there is a way into this history that no one in the Arab world can call normalization, because it is our own history. The Farhud, the pogrom of June 1941 in which Iraqi nationalists killed hundreds of Baghdad’s Jews, is Iraqi history before it is anything else. So is the 1950 law that stripped Jews of their citizenship if they chose to emigrate from Iraq, effectively ending their 2,500-year history in the region. So are the Jews of Mosul who prayed with Polish soldiers in the autumn of 1942. Their children and grandchildren are mostly in Israel now, but that does not move the history out of our hands. The Jews of Iraq are our own dead.
There will be a Holocaust museum in an Arab country. I do not know the year, but I do know who it will be for. It will be for the next Daler, so that a Muslim can no longer live seven years beside one of these fields and learn what is under it only by accident. It will be for the first Arab schoolchild who will walk out of the museum knowing enough to stand at the wall at Bełżec and find Kolbuszowa, as I did.
And it will be for every person to be able to recognize the kind of horror humans are capable of before it knocks on their door.
LikeLike
Post Israeli elections again wish to acknowledge Gamma Hans from Germany.
Israel challenges the prevailing Western/liberal internationalist narrative by prioritizing state sovereignty, democratic legitimacy, and realpolitik over universalist human rights dignity rhetoric. Israel – a liberal democracy – with regular, competitive elections, a robust judiciary, and free press. Its Arab citizens vote at high rates and are represented in the Knesset. Attempts to frame Israel as Apartheid or a Nazi-like state further examples of hostile EU States “the Germans are the Huns” propaganda employed during WWI. Resolution 242’s “secure and recognized boundaries”, serves as the evolutionary morph language of Resolution 2334!
The international community’s focus on the 1948 lines as the actual basis for negotiations conceals the illegitimacy of the 1948 Arab invasion’s outcome and Jordans’ attempt to nationalize Yechuda and Samaria by prioritizing “West Bank” affixed to “Palestine” which reflects the European infatuation with the Roman empire – such as Czar Russian for Caesar! Separating politics into distinct subjects and categories negates the fact, that when water spills on a table-top it makes a mess.
Rambam’s statute law halachic code established g’lut Judaism and Jewish identity. But imposing his statute law code upon the common law court based Mishna vision of justice in a land where the 12 Tribes rejoice through liberty from foreign rule/oppression – a revisionist history on par with the ’39 White Paper. The struggle of controlling the balance of power defines the strategic interests of nation states NOT defeated dhimmi refugee populations as presented by the UN demand for a Two State solution.
The sovereigntist critique, such as America First, rejects liberal internationalism. It prioritizes democratic fair elections, nation state democracies mandate to protect the interests of their people by defining their borders and citizenship. International politics by contrast, driven by power and interests – NOT – abstract morality. Political rhetoric employs moral equivalence” like Obama employed the slogan “CHANGE”; he never defines the meaning of this abstract term NEVER in his 8 years as President.
The post WWII creation of the UN just as illegitimate as the Senate rejection of Wilson’s League of Nations because of its exclusion of democratic accountability but also historically and theologically revisionist on par with the NT and Koran. The land for peace 242 paradigm stands upon the foundation of the 1956 War. Had England and France seized successfully the Suez Canal this would have secured their post War ‘Great Power’ status. Just as the reduction of Germany by about 25% — Prussian land for peace — awarded to Russia and Poland cemented the ‘Great Power’ status of the USSR.
Obama threw his hat in support for internationalist intervension -2334; a hostile political weapon which pre-judged the outcome of negotiations, effectively declaring Israel’s sovereignty illegitimate before talks even begin. Its stands on par with the British/Jordanian West Bank is Palestine diplomatic construct designed to erase the historical Jewish connection to Judea and Samaria. The “Palestinian” national identity, as currently framed … heavily constructed around this anti-Jewish territorial claim rooted in 1948 displacement, not indigenous continuity.
The state’s primary duty – aimed like a rifle to blow off the head of a foreign soldier – to protect its own citizens, not to abstract global moralities. The latter promises moral renewal, but delivers diplomatic dictatorships freed from the justice of oppression as experienced through the Oct 7th 2023 slaughter of Israelis! The slander wherein the PM condemned as a war criminal promotes this hogwash political rhetoric “abstract morality of globalists imperialist interests whose propaganda conceals its attempt to strip human rights from sovereignty; diplomacy from power; Jewish identity from Jewish land.
The UN fiction duplicates the revisionist history and substitute theologies employed by both the NT and Koran frauds. UN duplicity treats Hamas/PA dictatorships as democratic partners; Arab military invasions to throw the Jews into the Sea treated as legitimate boundary-setters; exiled g’lut Judaism imposed as the true intent of Mishnaic common law judicial visions of justice righteousness.
LikeLike